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NATIVISM:
A history of immigration-control in the United States. Although the United States has always portrayed itself as a
sanctuary for the world's victims of oppression and poverty, anti-immigrant
sentiment - known as nativism - has pervaded most of the nation's history. In
the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries, when much of America contained few
inhabitants, colonists sought desperately to attract immigrants from Europe. In
fact, the Declaration of Independence complained that King George III had
"endeavored to prevent the population of these States" by
"obstructing the Laws of
Naturalization of Foreigners" and by "refusing to pass others to
encourage their migration hither." America's outlook toward immigration began to change after
the Revolution. Realizing that most
immigrants supported Thomas Jefferson's Republican faction, Federalists in
Congress attempted to suppress the newcomers' political activity in 1798 by
passing the Alien Acts, which curtailed the rights of unnaturalized immigrants.
In the 1830s, however, nativists began focusing their attacks on Catholic
immigrants, asserting that America's republican form of government could not be
sustained with a large Catholic population. These Protestants insisted that
republican governments require a "virtuous, educated, and independent"
electorate, and they perceived Catholic immigrants to be superstitious, ignorant, and dominated by their priests. Such
anti-Catholicism had a long history in America. The Puritans had journeyed
across the ocean to escape the Church of England's "Romish" trappings,
and southern colonists were known to have enjoyed a parlor game called
"Break the Pope's Neck." So,
when pamphleteers such as Samuel F. B. Morse began linking immigration, which
Americans had considered beneficial, with Catholicism, which many saw as a
threat, American nativism found a larger audience. Early nativists tried to transform their crusade into a
political movement, but their principles initially influenced the workplace more
than the ballot box. Artisans and
laborers often complained that immigrants depressed wages because the newcomers
would work for less pay than native-born workers.
The frequency with which employers used immigrants to replace striking
workingmen only deepened the animosity toward newcomers. Employers also
practiced nativism: many help-wanted advertisements of the period ended with the
"No foreigners Need Apply."
Aided by this persistent economic nativism, anti-immigrant
sentiment soon entered politics. One of the first nativist political
organizations, New York's Native American Democratic Association, nominated
inventor Samuel F. B. Morse for mayor in 1836. He captured only 6 percent of the
vote, but in 1844 a new nativist group, the American Republican party, elected
six congressmen and dozens of local officials in New York, Philadelphia, and
Boston. Nativism reached its political zenith ten years later with the meteoric
rise of the "Know-Nothings." This secret fraternal organization, which
sought to curtail the political
power of Catholics and immigrants, probably derived its
name from its members' pledge to feign ignorance if queried about the
group. The dramatic rise in immigration resulting from European
circumstances at the time fueled the animosity between Protestants and Catholics
over many things such as the use of the Protestant King James Bible in public
schools, etc. By the end of 1855, the American party (as the Know-Nothings
renamed themselves) had carried elections in a dozen states and elected more
than one hundred congressmen. Many believed they would elect the next president,
but divisions over the slavery issue drove many of its northern members into the
new Republican party. Know-Nothings tried to attract new members by promising
that the group would promote sectional harmony, but their 1856 presidential
candidate, Millard Fillmore, carried only Maryland. This embarrassing
performance hastened the party's decline, and by 1860, the Know-Nothings had
disappeared. Although no nativist political organization comparable in
size to the Know-Nothings appeared after the Civil War, nativists often found
that the existing parties were willing to enact their proposals. A central item
on the Know-Nothings' agenda, a law banning the immigration of paupers and
convicts, passed Congress in 1882. Registration and literacy tests for voters
(which Know-Nothings had supported as a way to prevent immigrant voting) also
became common. By the late nineteenth century, however, antiradicalism had
replaced anti-Catholicism as the cornerstone of nativism. Some believed that
immigrants brought European radicalism with them to America, and they especially
blamed the newcomers for fomenting the labor unrest that characterized much of
the period. The role immigrants played in the communist, socialist, and
anarchist movements also helped convince many
Americans that unless the country restricted immigration, radicals from
abroad might soon dominate the United States. Although the first laws enacted to restrict immigration
affected only Asians, efforts to restrict non-Asian newcomers soon gained
momentum as well. Northwestern
Europe had provided most of America's immigrants in the nineteenth century, but
by 1900 a majority hailed from Russia, Poland, Hungary, and Italy. Reinforcing
their racial prejudices by misinterpreting findings made in the new field of
genetics, many Americans concluded that immigrants from these countries lacked
the intelligence and motivation that purportedly
characterized northwestern Europeans, so the "new immigration"
provided renewed impetus to the nativist movement. The aftermath of World War I gave restrictionists more
ammunition. Fear of foreign agitators (especially communists) reached epidemic
proportions and culminated in the red scare that swept the United States. The Ku
Klux Klan also revived at this time, and the group's new agenda, which added
anti-Catholicism, anti-Semitism, and antiforeignism to the traditional hatred of
blacks, attracted 5 million members. The labor movement called for immigration
restriction as well, arguing that the newcomers' willingness to work for
substandard wages depressed the earnings of all laborers. Finally, many feared
that with immigration having fallen off because of the war, millions of refugees
would now flock to America and spoil the prosperity of the Roaring Twenties.
Congress responded to these pressures by passing the National
Origins Act (1924), which reflected prevailing prejudices by setting immigration
quotas that blatantly discriminated against some countries over others. For
example, the law (as eventually amended) permitted 65,721 immigrants from Great
Britain annually, but only 2,712 from the Soviet Union. Asians were almost
completely excluded. The movement to restrict
immigration, initiated nearly a century earlier, had finally achieved its
goal. It is difficult to assess the extent to which nativism still
pervades American society. Organized nativism as epitomized by the Know-Nothings
or the Klan has no great following. Yet this may reflect the lack of large-scale
immigration to the United States, because the quota system set up in the 1920s
remains intact today, and attempts to prevent illegal immigration reflect public
support for this system. Contemporary outbreaks of hostility toward
Asian-Americans, motivated in part by the impression that Japan has surpassed
the United States economically, also indicate that nativism
continues to influence American thought. Whatever the case, it is clear
that though immigration has played an important role in almost every period of
American history, nativism has pervaded its past with equal persistence. The Reader's Companion to American History, Eric Foner and John A. Garraty, Editors. Copyright© 1991 by Houghton Mifflin Company. Published by Houghton Mifflin Company. Questions:
1. Why do you suppose King George III had controlled the
number of immigrants to the American colonies? 2. What reasons did
the Protestants use to convince people to help stop Catholics from immigrating
to the US? 3. Why were the new
immigrants viewed negatively in the economic field? 4. How was the
movement of Nativism successful in the periods of the 1830's-50's? 5. In the early part
of the 20th century what groups of immigrants were especially targeted? 6. After WWI what
organizations were against migration? Why? 7. How did congress
respond to the pressures of anti-immigrants in the early 1920"s? 8. Based on your own
experiences and observations, do you think the idea of Nativism is still alive
today? How? Give examples.
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